Gulf Cartel

Gulf Cartel
Founded 1970s
In Matamoros, Tamaulipas, Mexico
Founded by Juan Nepomuceno Guerra, Juan García Ábrego
Years active 1970s−present
Territory Mexico:
Tamaulipas, Veracruz, Nuevo León
United States:
Texas, Oklahoma, Louisiana, Illinois, Florida
Ethnicity Mexican, Guatemalans
Criminal activities Drug trafficking, people smuggling, money laundering, extortion, kidnapping, racketeering, murder, arms trafficking, terrorism, robbery, assault, rape, bribery, prostitution, counterfeiting, coercion, fencing, mayhem, burglary, police impersonation
Allies Sinaloa Cartel, Knights Templar
Rivals Los Zetas, Juárez Cartel, Beltrán-Leyva Cartel, Tijuana Cartel, Los Negros

The Gulf Cartel (Spanish: Cártel del Golfo, Golfos, or CDG)[1][2] is one of the most powerful drug cartels in Mexico,[3] and perhaps the oldest organized crime group in the country.[4] It is currently based in Matamoros, Tamaulipas, directly across the border from Brownsville, Texas. It also has significant presence in 13 states around Mexico, with important areas of operation in the cities of Nuevo Laredo, Miguel Alemán, Reynosa and Matamoros in the northern state of Tamaulipas; it also has important operations in the states of Nuevo León, Veracruz, and Michoacán.[5] Their network may also be trans-Mexican and pan-American, where they are believed to have dealings with crime groups in Europe, West Africa, Asia, Central America, South America, and the United States.[6][7] Besides drug trafficking, the Gulf Cartel operates through protection rackets, assassinations, extortions, kidnappings, and other criminal activities.[8] The Gulf Cartel is known for intimidating the population and for being "particularly violent."[9]

Although this criminal organization smuggled alcohol in small quantities to the United States in 1929, the epoch of the Prohibition, it was not until the 1970s and 1980s that it shifted to drug trafficking—primarily cocaine—under the command of Juan Nepomuceno Guerra and Juan García Ábrego. After the apprehension of García Ábrego in 1996, a power vacuum was left and several top members fought for leadership until Osiel Cárdenas Guillén became the undisputed leader.[10] As confrontations with rival groups heated up, Osiel Cárdenas sought and recruited over 30 deserters of the Mexican Army’s elite Grupo Aeromóvil de Fuerzas Especiales (GAFE) to form part of the cartel's armed wing.[11] Los Zetas, as they are known, served as the hired private mercenary army of the Gulf Cartel. Nevertheless, after the arrest and extradition of Osiel Cárdenas, internal struggles led to a rupture between the two.[12]

Osiel Cárdenas' brother, Antonio Cárdenas Guillén, and Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez, a former policeman, filled in the vacuum and became the leaders of the Gulf Cartel.[13] The death of Tony Tormenta, the nickname given to Antonio Cárdenas for his explosive behavior,[14] allowed for Costilla Sánchez to become the co-leader of the Gulf Cartel and head of the Metros, one of the two groups within the Gulf Cartel.[15] Mario Cárdenas Guillén, brother of Osiel and Antonio, is the other leader of Gulf Cartel and head of the Rojos, the other group within the Gulf Cartel and the parallel version of the Metros.[16][17]

Contents

History

Foundation: 1970s—1996

The history of the Gulf Cartel dates back to the 1970s, when Juan Nepomuceno Guerra began smuggling drugs across the border to the United States; however, strictly speaking, it wasn’t until the 1980s when the organization began to dedicate itself primarily to drug trafficking, under the command of Juan García Ábrego.[18] The origins of the cartel are accredited to the legendary contrabandist Juan Nepomuceno Guerra, who died on July 12, 2001 due to a cardiac arrest.[19] Juan Nepomuceno Guerra was considered a high-profile leader among several people in the community of Matamoros, Tamaulipas because he would help the neediest and would punish those who committed any abuse to the poor families.[20] Poor people sometimes even made huge lines in ‘Piedras Negras,’ a restaurant of Nepomuceno Guerra, to ask him for favors.[21]

Although it was never proven that he smuggled liquor, arms, tobacco, and even drugs, Juan is considered the "godfather" of the Gulf Cartel.[22] Along with his two brothers Arturo and Roberto, Juan Nepomuceno Guerra started smuggling alcohol into the United States in 1929.[23] Soon after the conclusion of the Prohibition, Don Juan, as he was widely known, dedicated himself to another completely different illicit occupation—drug trafficking.[24] Nepomuceno Guerra also amplified his ascendancy through the incorporation of gambling houses, prostitution, human trafficking, and car theft.[25] His nephew, Juan García Ábrego, worked along his tutelage, and slowly began taking over the drug business in the 1970s.

By the 1980s, García Ábrego began incorporating cocaine into the drug trafficking operations, and started to have the upper hand on what was now considered the Gulf Cartel, the greatest criminal dynasty in the US-Mexico border. By negotiating with the Cali Cartel,[26] García Ábrego was able to secure 50% of the shipment out of Colombia as payment for delivery, instead of the $1,500 USD per kilo they were previously receiving.[27] This renegotiation, however, forced Garcia Ábrego to guarantee the product’s arrival from Colombia to its destination. Instead, he created warehouses along the Mexican’s northern border to preserve hundreds of tons of cocaine; this allowed him to create a new distribution network and increase his political influence. In addition to trafficking drugs, García Ábrego would ship cash to be laundered, in the millions.[28] Around 1994, it was estimated that the Gulf Cartel handled as much as "one-third of all cocaine shipments" into the United States from the Cali Cartel suppliers.[29] During the 1990s, the PGR, the Mexican attorney general's office, estimated that the Gulf Cartel was "worth over $10 billion US dollars."[30]

Juan García Ábrego's business had grown to such length that the FBI placed him on the Top Ten Most Wanted in 1995. He was the first drug trafficker to be on that list.[31] On January 14, 1996, García Ábrego was arrested outside a ranch in Monterrey, Nuevo León.[32] He was quickly extradited to the United States where he stood trial eight months after his arrest. García Ábrego was convicted for 22 counts of money laundering, drug possession and drug trafficking.[33] Jurors also ordered the seizure of $350 million of García Ábrego’s assets — $75 million more than what was previously planned.[34] Juan García Ábrego is currently serving 11 life terms in a maximum security prison in Colorado, U.S.[35] In 1996, it was disclosed that García Ábrego's organization payed millions of dollars in bribes to politicians and law enforcement officiers for his protection. It was later proven after his arrest that the deputy attorney general in charge of Mexico's federal Judicial Police had accumulated more than $9 million US dollars for protecting García Ábrego.[36]

Arrest of Ábrego

Following Ábrego's 1996 arrest by Mexican authorities and subsequent deportation to the United States, his brother Humberto García Ábrego tried to take the lead of the Gulf Cartel, but ultimately failed in his attempt.[37] He did not have the leadership skills nor the support of the Colombian drug-provisioners. In addition, he was under observation and was widely known, since his surname meant more of the same.[38] He was to be replaced by Óscar Malherbe De León and Raúl Valladares del Ángel, until their arrest a short time later,[39] causing several cartel lieutenants to fight for the leadership. Malherbe tried to bribe officials $2 million for his release, but it was denied.[40] Hugo Baldomero Medina Garza, known as El Señor de los Tráilers, is considered one of the most important members in the rearticulation of the Gulf Cartel.[41] He was one of the top officials of the cartel for more than 40 years, trafficking about 20 tons of cocaine to the United States each month.[42] His luck ended in November 2000 when he was captured in Tampico, Tamaulipas and imprisoned in La Palma.[43] After Medina Garza's arrest, his cousin Adal­ber­to Gar­za Dra­gus­ti­no­vis was investigated for allegedly forming part of the Gulf Cartel and for laundering money, but the case is still open.[44] The next in line was Sergio Gómez alias El Checo, however, his leadership was short lived when he was assassinated in April 1996 in Valle Hermoso, Tamaulipas.[45] After this, Osiel Cárdenas Guillén took control of the cartel in July 1999 after assasinating Salvador Gómez Herrera alias El Chava, co-leader of the Gulf Cartel and close friend of him, earning his name as the Mata Amigos (Friend Killer).[46]

Cárdenas era and Los Zetas

After Osiel Cárdenas took full control of the Gulf Cartel in 1999, he found himself in a no-holds-barred fight to keep his notorious organization and leadership untouched, and sought out members of the Mexican Army Special Forces to become the military armed-wing of the Gulf Cartel.[47] His goal was to protect himself from rival drug cartels and from the Mexican military, in order to perform vital functions as the leader of the most powerful drug cartel in Mexico.[48] His top recruit, Arturo Guzmán Decena, brought more than 30 army deserters to form part of Cárdenas’ new paramilitary wing, Los Zetas.[49] Among the original defectors were Jaime González Durán,[50] Jesús Enrique Rejón Aguilar,[51] Miguel Treviño Morales,[52] and Heriberto Lazcano,[53] now the supreme leader of Los Zetas. The creation of Los Zetas brought a new era of drug trafficking in Mexico, and little did Cárdenas know that he was creating the most dangerous drug cartel in the country.[54]

As years passed, the role of Los Zetas became much more important for the Gulf Cartel; they began to organize kidnappings,[55] impose “taxes” and operate protection rackets,[56] control the extortion business,[57] and protecting the drug routes as sicarios,[58] often executing their rivals with grotesque savagery. In response to the rising power of the Gulf Cartel, the rival Sinaloa Cartel[59] established a heavily armed, well-trained enforcer group known as Los Negros.[60] The group operated similar to Los Zetas, but with less complexity and success. The death of Arturo Guzmán Decena (2002),[61] and the capture of Rogelio González Pizaña (2004),[62] the second-in-line, marked the opportunity for Heriberto Lazcano to take charge of Los Zetas.

Cárdenas' encounter with U.S. agents

In a November afternoon of 1999, Cárdenas learned that a Gulf Cartel informant was being transported through Matamoros, Tamaulipas, by the FBI and DEA.[63] According to the story mentioned in the interviews 11 years after this life-or-death incident, the DEA agent Joe DuBois and FBI agent Daniel Fuentes were riding in a white Ford Bronco with diplomatic plates along the streets of Matamoros, Tamaulipas.[64] For years, both were working for the disarticulation of the cartels in Mexico, and both knew how the drug cartels worked south of the border. In the back seat of the car, a Mexican informant from a local newspaper on crime coverage guided the two agents and gave them a tour on the city's drug routes and on the homes of the drug lords of the city. They even cruised on Cárdenas' house,[65] a pink-colored mansion with tall walls, security camaras, armed guards and roof-snipers. Within moments, according to DuBois, a Lincoln Continental was on their tail, then a stolen pickup truck with Texan plates.[66] The federal agents were cutt off and surrounded by at least five vehicles, including one by a former state police officer. Just yards away from Matamoros' police department, the agents were surrounded by a convoy of gunmen from the Gulf Cartel. Nearby, other men, also in police uniform, directed traffic.

Cárdenas and his men intercepted and surrounded the vehicle on a public street and demanded for the informant to be released to him.[67] According to the two agents, the Gulf Cartel sicarios outnumbered and outgunned them. Their only way out was to talk their way out.[68] Cárdenas arrived seconds later in a white Jeep Cherokee, approaching the two agents with the swagger of the man in charge. In his waistband, he wore a Colt pistol with a gold grip; in his hands, a gold-plated AK-47.[69] Cárdenas pounded the Ford Bronco and calmly asked for the informant. Fuentes flashed his FBI badge, giving Cárdenas a smile. In an ongoing discourse, Cárdenas told the agents that he would shoot them if they did not surrender. The two agents refused to do so, saying they were dead either way. He gave them another choice: to hand over the informant. Again, they refused.[70]

DuBois, who grew up in Mexico and was a police officer in the neighboring Brownsville, Texas, recalled how Cárdenas "did not give a damn who [they were]," while DuBois replied to him: "You don't care now, but tomorrow and the next day and the rest of your life, you'll regret anything stupid that you might do right now. You are fixing to make 300,000 enemies."[71] Then, Fuentes reminded Cárdenas how the U.S. launched a massive manhunt and investigation after the kidnap, torture, and assassination of the DEA agent Enrique Camarena in 1985 in Mexico.[72] All of the killers and accomplices were captured in that U.S. operation.[73]

After a tense standoff, DuBois and Fuentes, along with their informant, were released.[74] The two agents and the informant headed off to Brownsville, Texas. As for Cárdenas, the damage had been done by taking on the U.S. government, which placed pressure on the Mexican government to apprehend Cárdenas. The two agents, Joe DuBois and Daniel Fuentes, were recognized by the U.S. attorney general for their 'exceptional heroism,' and both are still on the job.[75] The Mexican reporter is living somewhere in the United States.[76]

Cárdenas' arrest and extradition

The former leader of the Gulf Cartel, Osiel Cárdenas Guillén, was captured in the city of Matamoros, Tamaulipas, on March 14, 2003 in a shootout between the Mexican military and Gulf Cartel gunmen.[77] He was one of the FBI Ten Most Wanted Fugitives, which was offering $2 million for his capture.[78] According to government archives, this six-month military operation was planned and carried out in secret; the only people informed were the President Vicente Fox, the Secretary of Defense in Mexico, Ricardo Clemente Vega García, and Mexico's Attorney General, Rafael Macedo de la Concha.[79] After his capture, Osiel Cárdenas was sent to the federal, high-security prison La Palma.[80] However, it was believed that Cárdenas still controlled the Gulf Cartel from prison,[81] and was later extradicted to the United States, where he was sentenced to 25 years in a prison in Houston, Texas for money laundering, drug trafficking, homicide and death threats to U.S. federal agents.[82] Reports from the PGR and El Universal state that while in prison, Osiel Cárdenas and Benjamín Arellano Félix, from the Tijuana Cartel, formed in alliance. Moreover, through handwritten notes, Osiel gave orders on the movement of drugs along Mexico and to the United States, approved executions, and signed forms to allow the purchase of police forces.[83] And while his brother Antonio Cárdenas Guillén led the Gulf Cartel, Osiel still made vital orders from La Palma through messages from his lawyers and guards.[83]

The arrest and extradition of Osiel, however, caused for several top lieutenants from both the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas to fight over important drug corridors to the United States, especially the cities of Matamoros, Nuevo Laredo, Reynosa, and Tampico—all situated in the state of Tamaulipas. They also fought for coastal cities Acapulco, Guerrero and Cancún, Quintana Roo; the state capital of Monterrey, Nuevo León, and the states of Veracruz and San Luis Potosí.[84] Through his violence and intimidation, Heriberto Lazcano took control of both Los Zetas and the Gulf Cartel after Cardenas’ extradition.[85] Lieutenants that were once loyal to Cárdenas began following the commands of Lazcano, who tried to reorganize the cartel by appointing several lieutenants to control specific territories. Morales Treviño was appointed to look over Nuevo León;[86] Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez in Matamoros;[87] Héctor Manuel Sauceda Gamboa, nicknamed El Karis, took control of Nuevo Laredo;[88] Gregorio Sauceda Gamboa, known as El Goyo, along with his brother Arturo, took control of the Reynosa plaza;[89] Arturo Basurto Peña, alias El Grande, and Iván Velásquez Caballero alias El Talibán took control of Quintana Roo and Guerrero;[90] Alberto Sánchez Hinojosa, alias Comandante Castillo, took over Tabasco.[91] However, continual disagreement was leading the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas into an inevitable rupture.

Rupture from Los Zetas

There is huge discrepancy on whom of the two—the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas—started the conflict that led to their rupture. It is clear, however, that after the capture and extradition of Osiel Cárdenas, Los Zetas had become so powerful that they outnumbered and outclassed the Gulf Cartel in revenue, membership, and influence.[92] Some sources reveal that as a result of the supremacy of Los Zetas, the Gulf Cartel felt threatened by the growing force of their own enforcer group that they decided to stop their influence, but eventually failed in their attempt, instigating a war.[93] In addition, from the perspective presented by the Gulf Cartel, the narco-banners placed by them in the cities of Matamoros, Tamaulipas and Reynosa, Tamaulipas explained that the reason for their rupture was because Los Zetas had expanded their supremacy not only by trafficking drugs, but also through extreme violence, extortions, kidnappings, homicides and theft. These were actions that the Gulf Cartel disagreed with.[94] Unwilling to stand for such abuse, Los Zetas responded and countered the accusations by posting their own banners throughout Tamaulipas. They pointedly noted that they had carried out executions and kidnappings under orders of the Gulf Cartel when they served as their enforcers, and they were originally created by them for that sole purpose.[95] In addition, Los Zetas mentioned that the Gulf Cartel also kills innocent civilians, and then blames them for their atrocities.[95]

Nevertheless, other sources also reveal that Tony Tormenta, brother of Osiel Cárdenas and one of the successors of the Gulf Cartel, had an addiction to gambling, sex, and drugs, which led Los Zetas to consider his leadership as a threat to the organization.[96] Other reports mention, however, that the rupture occurred due to a disagreement on who would take on the leadership of the cartel after the extradition of Cárdenas. The candidates of the Gulf Cartel were Antonio Ezekiel Cárdenas Guillén and Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez, while Los Zetas wanted the leadership of their current head, Heriberto Lazcano Lazcano.[97] Other sources, however, mention that the Gulf Cartel began looking to form a truce with their Sinaloa Cartel rivals, and Los Zetas did not want to recognize the treaty settlement, which led them to act independently and eventually break apart.[98] On the other hand, other sources reveal that Los Zetas separated from the Gulf Cartel to form an alliance with Beltrán-Leyva Cartel, which led to conflict between them.[99] Other sources mention that what initiated the conflict between them was when Samuel Flores Borrego, alias El Metro 3, lieutenant of the Gulf Cartel, killed Sergio Peña Mendoza, alias El Concorde 3, lieutenant of Los Zetas, due to a disagreement for the drug corridor of Reynosa, Tamaulipas, whom both protected.[100] Soon after his death, Los Zetas demanded for the Gulf Cartel to hand over the killer, but they didn't, and observers believe that triggered the war.[101]

Tamaulipas was mostly spared from the violence until early 2010, when the Gulf Cartel’s enforcers, Los Zetas, split from and turned against the Gulf Cartel, sparking a bloody turf war. When the hostilities began, the Gulf organization joined forces with its former rivals, the Sinaloa Cartel and La Familia Michoacana, aiming to take out Los Zetas.[102][103] Consequently, Los Zetas allied with the Juárez Cartel, the Beltrán-Leyva Cartel, and the Tijuana Cartel.[104][105]

Tony Tormenta era

Antonio Ezekiel Cárdenas Guillén, better known as Tony Tormenta, became the co-leader of the Gulf Cartel, along with Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez, alias El Coss, after the extradition of Osiel Cárdenas Guillén.[106] El Coss was often viewed as the "strongest leader" of the two, but collaborated with Tony Tormenta, who acted as representative of his brother in jail.[107] However, Ezekiel died in a eight-hour shooting with the Mexican government forces on November 5, 2010 in the border city of Matamoros, Tamaulipas.[108] Government sources claimed that this operation—where more than 660 marines, 17 vehicles, and 3 helicopters participated—left 8 dead: three marines, one soldier, and four gunmen, including Antonio Cárdenas Guillén.[109] Other sources mention that one news reporter was also killed in the crossfire.[110] This military-led operation was a result of a work of more than six months of intelligence work and some operational actions.[111] Milenio Television mentioned that the Mexican authorities had tried to apprehend Cárdenas Guillén twice before this incident, but that his personal gunmen had distracted the Mexican forces and allowed him to be escorted in his armored vehicle.[112]

The confrontations started around 10:00AM, and extended to 06:00PM, around the time Cárdenas Guilén was killed. The intense shootings provoked the temporary closure of three international bridges in Matamoros,[113] along with the University of Texas at Brownsville, just across the border.[114] Public transportation and school classes in Matamoros were canceled, along with the suspension of activities throughout the municipality, since the cartel members hijacked the units of public transport and made dozens of roadblocks to prevent the mobilization of the soldiers, marines, and federal police forces.[115] The street confrontations generated a wave of panic among the population and caused the publication and broadcast of messages through social networks like Twitter and Facebook, reporting the clashes between authorities and the cartel members.[116] When the Mexican authorities reached the spot where Tony Tormenta was present, the gunmen received the soldiers and cops with grenades and high-calibre shots. Reports mention that Antonio Ezekiel Cárdenas Guillén was being protected by the Los Escorpiones, or The Scorpions, the alleged armed wing of the Gulf Cartel and the personal army of Ezekiel, who were serving as snipers and bodyguards for him.[117] La Jornada newspaper mentioned that over 80 SUV's packed with gunmen fought to protect Cárdenas Guillén, and over 300 grenades were used in the shootout that day.[118] And even after the drug lord was killed, the roadblocks continued throughout the rest of the day.[119]

The Guardian newspaper mentioned that in a Youtube video, a convoy of SUV's filled with gunmen and pickups packed with marines were seen in a chase through the streets of Matamoros, Tamaulipas. And although there wasn't any visible confrontation between the two, the intensity of the situation was clear through the background noises of grenades explosions and automatic gunfire.[120] A news video from Televisa, also on Youtube, shows images from the confrontations of that day.[121] Moreover, several bystanders also recorded the shootouts.[122][123][124]

Nevertheless, according to the newspapers The Brownsville Herald and The Monitor from across the border in Brownsville, Texas and McAllen, Texas, around 50 people were killed in the gunfights.[125][126][127][128][129] Although not confirmed, KVEO-TV, several online sources and witnesses, along with one law enforcement officer who preferred to keep his name anonymous, mentioned that more than 100 people died that day in Matamoros.[130][131][132][133][134][135][136] The death of Tony Tormenta also caused a spiral of violence in Reynosa, Tamaulipas a number of days after he was killed.[137] Moreover, his death also generated a turf war with Los Zetas in the city of Ciudad Mier, Tamaulipas, resulting in the exodus of more than 95% of its population.[138][139] Banners written by Los Zetas, the Gulf Cartel's former armed wing, appeared all across Mexico, celebrating the death of Cárdenas Guillén.[140][141] The United States president, Barack Obama, called the president of Mexico, Felipe Calderón, congratulating him and the Mexican forces for the operative in Matamoros, and reiterated his effort against organized crime.[142]

After this incident, there was a huge division of opinions over the fate of the Gulf Cartel. Some experts believed that the death of Ezekiel would be dreadful for the Gulf Cartel, and that Los Zetas would overthrow them and eventually take control of Tamaulipas.[143] Others explained how his death allowed Costilla Sánchez to take full directive of the cartel, and that that would tighten relations with Colombia and straighten the Gulf Cartel’s path, something quite difficult with Ezekiel as co-leader.[144]

Los Escorpiones

Los Escorpiones, also called Grupo Escorpios,[145] (The Scorpions), was believed to be the mercenary group that protected Antonio Ezekiel Cárdenas Guilén, the former leader of the organization.[146] According to reports by the Mexican government, Los Escorpiones was created by Tony Tormenta and is composed of over 60 civilians, former police officers, and ex-military officials. According to El Universal, there are several music videos on Youtube that exalt the power of this armed group through narcocorridos.[147] After the rupture between the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas (which until then had served as the cartel's armed wing), Los Escorpiones became the armed wing of the entire Gulf organization.[148] The first mention of Los Escorpiones on the media was in 2008, when El Universal wrote an article about some "protected witnesses" from the Gulf Cartel who denounced the alliance between the Beltrán-Leyva Cartel and Los Zetas to the Mexican authorities, and that the Gulf Cartel had created Los Escorpiones to stop and balance the growing hegemony of Los Zetas.[149]

However, his brother Osiel Cárdenas Guillén disapproved the existence of this mercenary group, since he had created Los Zetas, the parallel version of Los Escorpiones, and they had turned against the organization.[150] El Universal reported that Mexican authorities identified the gunmen that where engaging in confrontations the troops in Matamoros, Tamaulipas as members of the Los Escorpiones group. Along with Antonio Cárdenas Guillén, the following members of Los Escorpiones were killed: Sergio Antonio Fuentes, alias El Tyson or Escorpión 1; Raúl Marmolejo Gómez, alias Escorpión 18; Hugo Lira, alias Escorpión 26; and Refugio Adalberto Vargas Cortés, alias Escorpión 42.[151] The arrests of Marco Antonio Cortez Rodríguez alias Escorpión 37 and of Josué González Rodríguez alias Escorpión 43—the two who were hospitalized after the shootout of 5 November 2010—allowed for the Mexican forces to understand the structure of Los Escorpiones.[152]

Metros and Rojos struggle

Two groups within the cartel—the Metros, commanded by Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez, and the Rojos, who maintain loyalty to the Cárdenas family—are believed to be fighting for the full mandate of the criminal organization.[153] The names of these two groups date back to the late 1990s, when Osiel Cárdenas Guillén, the former leader of the Gulf Cartel, had groups similar to his personal guard the Los Zetas established in each of the main cities. The groups were identified by their radio signals. The Rojos were assigned to Reynosa, the Metros to Matamoros and the Lobos to Laredo.[154] Nevertheless, the conflict is believed to have started more than a year ago, when Juan Mejía González alias R-1, current leader of the Rojos,[155] was overlooked as the candidate for the drug corridor of Reynosa, Tamaulipas, and was instead assigned as leader of the "Frontera Chica," which encompasses Miguel Alemán, Camargo and Ciudad Mier—just across the border from Starr County, Texas.[156] The spot was given to Samuel Flores Borrego, alias El Metro 3, which suggested that the Metros were above the Rojos. Flores Borrego was believed to have been killed due to "internal adjustments" with the Rojos.[157] And, after the death of Antonio Cárdenas Guillén in 2010, these two groups have been looking for leaders to fill in that void.[158]

Stratfor specialists have mentioned that the strong military presence in Tamaulipas, along with the death of Samuel Flores Borrego, alias El Metro 3, and the apprehension of Rafael Cárdenas Vela, alias El Junior or El 900, has created tension and conflict within the Gulf Cartel, which is on the verge of a rupture.[159] Moreover, newspapers mention that the arrest of Rafael Cárdenas Vela in Port Isabel, Texas without detonating a single bullet suggests that the Metros may have tipped off U.S. authorities instead of engaging in a confrontation with the Rojos in U.S. soil.[160] The captures of Eudoxio Ramos García alias El Bocho and of José Luis Zúñiga Hernández alias Comandante Wicho in Rio Grande City, Texas[161] and Santa Maria, Texas[162] indicates that the struggle between the Rojos and the Metros has forced several lieutenants to search refuge on U.S. soil.[163] The conflict between the Metros and the Rojos is believed to have already caused a "spillover" in South Texas, when Jorge Zavala, an alleged Gulf Cartel member, was gunned down by a convoy of gunmen early in the morning on September 27, 2011 in McAllen, Texas.[164] In addition, there are reported kidnappings and shootings between drug groups, and between criminals and authorities in the McAllen–Edinburg–Mission area in Texas,[165][166][167][168] which has made authorities in South Texas consider that the drug-related violence in the Rio Grande Valley is slowly escalating.[169]

If a rupture occurs, experts mention that there may be an increasing mobilization from Los Zetas to take control of the drug corridors of Matamoros and Reynosa, the two most important strongholds for the Gulf Cartel. In addition, it may also allow for the Sinaloa Cartel to move into northeastern Tamaulipas.[170]

Reactions

The controversies and debates over whether the violence in the McAllen metropolitan area should be considered an actual "spillover" from Mexico's drug war reignited when a sheriff from Hidalgo County, Texas was wounded in a shooting with members of the Gulf Cartel.[171] According to the sheriff, after the death of Flores Borrego, drug dealers traced a stolen load of narcotics from a circle of sellers in Elsa, Texas, and sanctioned a prison gang known as Partido Revolucionario to pretend to buy the drugs from the sellers in order to learn the location of the stash house.[172] The plan did not go as expected, and the hired gang members kidnapped the drug dealers. Consequently, the sheriff received a anonymous call about a alleged kidnapping and tracked down the criminals, who shot and wounded him.[173] After this incident, Todd Staples, a Republican party Commissioner of the Texas Department of Agriculture, set up a website asking the federal government to back state efforts to curb illegal activities along the Mexican border, and especially drug trafficking.[174] With the support of two retired U.S. generals, Staples announced that Mexican drug cartels are seeking to create their own turf in the United States, but especially on the South Texas, which they consider "vulnerable."[175][176] Henry Cuellar, a Democratic party member and a U.S. Representative, strongly disagreed with Staples' assessment that the Texas border is a war zone or an area overrun by the Mexican criminal groups, and claimed that such claims simply create "confusion" and unnecessary alarmist reactions.[177]

On early November 2011, Greg Abbott, the Texas Attorney General, informed media outlets of a letter he sent to President Barack Obama on his failure to protect the border, and warned him that the drug violence from Mexico is increasingly "spilling over" the border, and urged Obama to "immediately dedicate more manpower to border security."[178] In the letter, Abbott wrote about the shootings and kidnappings that have been occurring in the Rio Grande Valley, and how these incidents are a "threat to national security."[179] Lupe Treviño, the sheriff that was wounded, disagreed with Abbott's statements in a meeting at the White House with several Department of Homeland Security agencies and Janet Napolitano, and claimed that he has implemented a four-step program designed to have all of his deputies undergo a special tactical training designed to apply SWAT-style techniques to tackle any violence along the border.[180] He explicitly said that the "[U.S] border is not in chaos,” and that the claims by the Republicans were "untrue and unfairly painted."[181] Nevertheless, Carlos Cascos, the current Cameron County judge, questioned Treviño's comments through Facebook, and mentioned that if South Texas didn't have drug violence issues (as Treviño claimed in Washington), then Treviño's travel to Washington D.C. was completely unnecessary, which indicates that the sheriff's actions contradicted his statements.[182][183]

Present-day

During the late 1990s and early 2000s, the Gulf Cartel, with its armed wing Los Zetas, was the most dangerous and powerful drug cartel in Mexico, second only by the Sinaloa Cartel.[168] However, their rupture with Los Zetas, along with the death of Tony Tormenta,[184] complicated the Gulf Cartel’s supremacy in the country.[185] They lost significant territory both inside and outside of Tamaulipas, and the only definite territory that the Gulf Cartel possesses and that is not under dispute are the drug corridors of Matamoros[186] and Reynosa.[187] Now, the Gulf Cartel is only a shadow of its former self, but they are slowly gaining ground in Tamaulipas, as the government focuses more on eradicating Los Zetas,[188] resulting in Gulf Cartel taking advantage of the juncture to push Los Zetas to other states in Mexico.[189] Los Zetas has important areas of operation in Nuevo Laredo and San Fernando within the state of Tamaulipas.[190][191][192] They also have a stronghold in the city of Monterrey.[193] In addition, the states of San Luis Potosi,[194] Veracruz,[195] and Zacatecas,[196] although they have Gulf Cartel presence, are considered territory of Los Zetas. Gulf Cartel is based in Matamoros, Tamaulipas—a city of 700,000 and directly south of Brownsville, Texas; it has important areas of operation in the cities Miguel Alemán and Reynosa. In addition, the Gulf Cartel is present in the states of Veracruz, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas, their homestate.

Currently, the conflict between the two factions of the Gulf Cartel—the Rojos and the Metros—has complicated their operations in Tamaulipas. Major arrests, mounted with internal adjustments and confiscations worth millions of dollars, has led experts to believe that a possible rupture within the organization is plausible.[197] Stratfor mentions that the Sinaloa Cartel is well-known for carrying aggressive movements to different plazas, like that of Tijuana and Ciudad Juárez, and "that it would not be surprising for them to try to make a move in the northeast to take control of Matamoros."[198] As a result of the conflicts, many drug lords spend a considerable amount of time in South Texas, while some even own homes, property and small businesses there.[199] Reports mention that their presence in the Rio Grande Valley is a result of the violence they have created, and thus seek "safe haven" on U.S. territory.[200] The current leaders of the organization are Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez, a former policeman in Matamoros, and Mario Cárdenas Guillén, former prison convict and brother of Osiel and Antonio, from the Cárdenas drug family, which have been in control of the organization since the late 1999.[201]

Some experts have found it difficult to argue that the Gulf Cartel does not impose a direct threat to the state, since they "do not seek political change," and that they only want to be left alone with their business. Observations indicate that the Gulf Cartel actually controls territories and imposes its own rules—often violent and bloddy—over the population. And in doing so, they inherently become a "competitor" with the state, who also claims sovereignty over its territories.[202] Like other drug trafficking organizations, the Gulf Cartel also subverts government institutions, particularly at state and local levels, by using their large profits to bribe officials.[203]

Presence in the U.S.

According to a testimony given to the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs by two Zeta members in 2007, the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas have important cells operating inside the United States—in Mission, Roma, and Rio Grande City—for example, and were warned that "more are coming."[204] Thomas A. Shannon, a U.S. diplomat and ambassador, stated that criminal organizations like the Gulf Cartel have "substantially weakened" the institutions in Mexico and Central America, and have generated a surge of violence "in the United States."[205] The National Drug Threat Assessment mentioned that the drug trafficking organizations like the Gulf Cartel tend to be "less structured than in Mexico," and often rely on street gangs to operate inside the United States.[206] The arrest of several Gulf Cartel lieutenants, along with the drug-related violence and kidnappings, have raised concerns among Texan officials that the "brutal drug war" in Mexico and the drug cartels are taking hold in Texas.[207] The strong ties the Gulf Cartel has with the prison gangs in the United States have also raised concern to American officials.[208] Reports mention that the Mexican drug cartels operate in more than 1,000 cities in the United States.[209]

Presence in Europe

The Gulf Cartel is believed to have ties with the 'Ndrangheta, an organized crime group in Italy that also has ties with Los Zetas.[210] In 2009, the Gulf organization concluded that expanding their market opportunities in Europe, combined with the euro strength against the U.S. dollar, justified establishing an extensive network in that continent. The main areas of demand and drug consumption are in Eastern Europe, the successor states of the Soviet Union. In Western Europe, the primarily increase has been in the use of cocaine.[211] Along with the market in the United States, the drug market in Europe is among the most lucrative in the world, where the Mexican drug cartels are believe to have deals with the mafia groups of Europe.[212]

Presence in Africa

According to a DEA informant, the Gulf Cartel and other Mexican drug trafficking groups are active in the northern and western parts of Africa. Drug war analysts have been observing the expansion of Latin American drug cartels in North and West Africa even before the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNDOC) called for other nations to give attention to this expansion in 2007.[213] The Office on Crime and Drugs of the United Nations indicated that although cocaine is not grown in Africa, the continent has become a "transit area" for cocaine shipment between Latin America and Europe.[214] CNN mentioned that the criminal groups have observed that several African nations are plagued with war and poverty, and that there are "bigger profits in Europe than in the United States", along with less rule-of-law and "law enforcement in West Africa than in Europe."[215]

Tamaulipas: State corruption

Political corruption

The drug violence and political corruption that has plagued Tamaulipas, the homestate of the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas, has fueled thoughts of Tamaulipas becoming a "failed state" and a haven for drug traffickers and criminals of all kinds.[216] The massacre of the 72 migrants and the clandestine mass graves with more than 250 bodies in San Fernando, Tamaulipas,[217][218] mounted with the assassination of the state candidate Rodolfo Torre Cantú (2010),[219] the increasing violence generated between drug groups, and the state's inability to ensure tranquility, has led specialists to conclude that "neither the regional nor federal government have control over the territory of Tamaulipas."[220]

Although drug-related violence has existed since the early beginnings of the Gulf Cartel, it often happened in low-profile levels, while the government agreed to "look the other way" while the drug traffickers went about their business—as long as they behaved.[221] Back in the days of the 71-year rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), it was believed that they ran exactly that show: if the drug cartels got off the line, the Mexican government would conduct some arrests, make some disappearances, and the drug lords would get their people straight and back on the line again.[222] After the PRI lost the presidency in 2000 to the National Action Party (PAN), the arrangement between the government and the cartels was lost, as well the pax mafiosa.[223][224] Moreover, the state of Tamaulipas was no exception; according to Santiago Creel, a PAN politician and pre-candidate for the 2012 presidency, the PRI in Tamaulipas has protected the Gulf Cartel for years.[225] [226] In addition, El Universal newspaper mentions that the narco-corruption in Tamaulipas is due to the fact the the opposing political parties, the PAN and the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), rarely win an election and "practically do not exist."[227] The Excélsior newspaper reported that the former governors of Tamaulipas, Manuel Cavazos Lerma (1993-1999), Tomás Yarrington (1999-2004), and Eugenio Hernández Flores (2005-2010) have had close ties with the Gulf Cartel.[228] The municipal president of Tampico, Tamaulipas, Óscar Pérez Inguanzo, was arrested 12 November 2011 due to his "improper exercise of public functions and forgery" of certain documents.[229] In addition, La Jornada mentions that the Gulf Cartel owns "all of Matamoros," where they act as the State itself and conduct all forms of criminal activities.[230]

In mid 2010, Eugenio Hernández Flores, the governor of Tamaulipas, and Óscar Luebbert Gutiérrez, the mayor of Reynosa, Tamaulipas—both members of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI)—were criticized for claiming that there were no armed confrontations in Tamaulipas and that the violence was "only a rumor."[231] Months later, Hernández Flores finally recognized that several parts of Tamaulipas were being "being overrun by organized crime violence."[232] Luebbert Gutiérrez later recognized the work of the federal troops and acknowledge that his city was experiencing "an escalation in violence."[233]

Prison breaks

On 25 March 2010 in the city of Matamoros, Tamaulipas, 40 inmates escaped from a federal prison.[234] Authorities are still trying to understand how the prisoners escaped.[235] The authorities mentioned that the incident is "under investigation," but did not give further information.[236] In the border city of Reynosa, Tamaulipas, 85 inmates escaped from a prison on 10 September 2010.[237] Reports first indicated that there were 71 fugitives, but the correct figures were later released.[238] On 5 Abril 2010, in the same prison, a convoy of 10 trucks filled with gunmen broke into the cells and liberated 13 inmates, and the authorities later mentioned that 11 of them were "extremely dangerous."[239] In Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas on 17 December 2010, about 141 inmates escaped from a federal prison. At first, estimates mentioned that 148 inmates had escaped, but later counts gave the exact figures.[240] The federal government "strongly condemned" the prison breaks and said that the work by the state and municipal authorities of Tamaulipas "lack effective control measures" and urged them to strengthen their institutions.[241] A confrontation inside a maximum security prison in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas on 15 July 2011 left 7 inmates dead and 59 escaped.[242] The 5 guards that were supposed to supervise have not been found, and the Federal government of Mexico urged the state and municipal authorities to strengthen the security of their prisons.[243] Consequently, the federal government did not hesitate to assign the Mexican Army and the Federal Police to vigilate the prisions until further notice; they were also left in charge of searching for the fugitives.[244] CNN mentioned that the state government of Tamaulipas later recognized "their inability to work with the federal government."[245]

According to CNN, more than 400 prison inmates escaped from several prisons in Tamaulipas from January 2010 to March 2011 due to corruption.[246]

Police corruption

The Excélsior newspaper mentioned that the police forces in the state of Tamaulipas are the "worst paid in Mexico" despite being "one of the states hardest hit by violence."[247] They also reported that in Aguascalientes, a state where violence levels are much lower, policemen are paid five times more than in Tamaulipas. In fact, they are paid around $3,618 pesos (about $260 US dollars) a month in all of Tamaulipas.[248] As a result, most of the police forces in Tamaulipas are believed to be "corrupt" due to their low wages and the presence of organized crime, who can easily bribe them.[249]

On 9 May 2011, the Mexican government, along with Sedena, disarmed all police forces in the state of Tamaulipas, beginning with the cities of Matamoros and Reynosa.[250] On June 2011, the state government of Tamaulipas requested the federal government to send in troops to combat the drug cartels in the area, in order to "consolidate actions on public safety" and "strengthen the capacity of their institutions."[251] The Joint Operation Nuevo León-Tamaulipas issued in 2007, along with several other military-led operation by the federal government, have brought thousands of troops to restore order in Tamaulipas.[252] CNN news mentioned that the troops "replaced half of the policemen" in the state of Tamaulipas.[253] On 7 November 2011, about 1,660 policemen were released from their duties because they had either failed their control tests or refused to take them.[254]

Although there have been efforts by the federal government to wipe out police corruption, Terra Networks published an article of a witness who said that the police forces in Matamoros, Tamaulipas work as "informants for the Gulf Cartel" and report on the activity of the Mexican military, and even "wave at [the cartel members]" when they see them in the streets.[255] El Universal released an article which said that the National Public Security System (SNSP) has condemned the cops' salaries, and demanded the state and municipal authorities to create better paying programs for the policemen so they can have a "just wage" for themselves and their families.[256] The federal government is also constructing three military bases in Tamaulipas: in Ciudad Mier, San Fernando, and Ciudad Mante.[257]

Alliances

In 2003, the arrest of several high-profile cartel leaders, including the heads of the Tijuana Cartel and Gulf Cartel, Benjamín Arellano Félix and Osiel Cárdenas, turned the war on drugs into a trilateral war. While in prison, Cárdenas and Arellano Félix formed an alliance to defend themselves from the Sinaloa and Juarez Cartel,[258] who had also formed an alliance with each other, and were planning to take over the smuggling routes and territories of the Gulf and Tijuana Cartel.[259] After a dispute, however, Osiel Cardenas ordered Benjamin Arellano Felix beaten, and the Gulf-Tijuana alliance ceased to exist at that point. It was reported that after the fallout, Cárdenas ordered Los Zetas to Baja California to wipe out the Tijuana Cartel.[260]

The Sinaloa-Juarez alliance ceased to exist as well due to an unpaid debt in 2007, and now the Sinaloa and Juarez Cartel are at war against each other.[261] Since February 2010, the major cartels have aligned in two factions, one integrated by the Juárez Cartel, Tijuana Cartel, Los Zetas and the Beltrán-Leyva Cartel‎‎;[262] the other faction integrated by the Gulf Cartel, Sinaloa Cartel, La Familia Cartel (now extinct) and the Knights Templar Cartel.[263][264]

Structure

The rupture from Los Zetas left Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez and Antonio Ezekiel Cárdenas Guillén in full control of the Gulf Cartel. However, Ezekiel died in a shooting with the Mexican Marines in Matamoros, Tamaulipas in 2010,[265] and Costilla Sanchez became the sole head of the cartel. Mario Cárdenas Guillén, brother of both Osiel and Ezekiel, became one of the top lieutenants in the organization after his release from prison in 2007.[266] In addition, within the Gulf Cartel there is believed to be two groups—the Rojos and the Metros.[267] The modus operandi ("mode of operation") of the Gulf Cartel changes whenever the United States attempts to strengthen their domestic policy in reenforcing the borders. When drug trafficking tightens, they usually invest in more sophisticated methods to smuggle drugs, recruit new members, corrupt more officials, seek new ways to remove obstacles that impede the immediate success of the organization, along with many others.[268] Below is the basic structure of the drug cartel:

It's worth noting that there are other operating groups within the drug cartels. For example, the drug producers and suppliers,[274] although not considered in the basic structure, are critical operators of any drug cartel, along with the financers and money launderers.[275][276][277] In addition, the arms suppliers operate in a completely different circle,[278] and are technically not considered part of the cartel’s logistics.

Transportation

Due to the Gulf Cartel's territory in northern Tamaulipas, primarily in the border cities of Reynosa, Tamaulipas and Matamoros, Tamaulipas, they have been able to establish a sophisticated and extensive drug trafficking and distribution network along the U.S.-Mexico border in South Texas.[279] The Mexican drug cartels that operate in the area are currently employing gang members to distribute drugs and conduct other criminal activities on their behalf.[280] Among these gangs, that range from street gangs to prison gangs, are the Texas Syndicate, the Latin Kings, the Mexican Mafia, the Tango Blast (Vallucos), the Hermandad de Pistoleros Latinos, and the Tri-City Bombers—all based in the Rio Grande Valley and Webb County, Texas.[281]

While the entire Mexico–United States border has experienced high levels of drug trafficking and other illegal smuggling activities for decades, this activity tends to be concentrated in certain sectors within Texas. The two such sectors are the Rio Grande Valley and West Texas, near the El Paso–Juárez metropolitan area. The high level of legitimate travels and movement of goods and services between border cities in the U.S. and Mexico facilitates the drug business in the area. In fact, the majority of the commerce between the United States and Mexico passes through the state of Texas.[282] Due to its multifaceted transportation networks and proximity to major production areas right across the border in Mexico, Texas is a major hub for drug trafficking. According to the National Drug Intelligence Center, drug traffickers commonly use private vehicles and commercial trucks to traffic narcotics throughout the state. The drug organizations usually use the Interstates 10, 20, 25, 30, and 35, as well as U.S. Highways 59, 77, 83, and 281.[283] The Gulf of Mexico also presents a danger to the flow of drugs to Texas; the Port of Houston and the Port of Brownsville enable traffickers to use small vessels and pleasure craft to transport illicit drugs into and from southern Texas.[284]

Illicit drugs also are smuggled into and through Texas via commercial aircraft, cars, buses, passenger trains, pedestrians, and package delivery services. Narcotics are also smuggled through the railroads that connected the U.S. and Mexico. Moreover, the Mexican drug traffickers often use small boats to transport drugs through the coastal areas of South Texas, usually operating at night to prevent them from being spotted from law enforcement officials.[285] Another avenue that they have implemented is to construct underground tunnels to get their product across the border. By constructing a tunnel, the cartel is able to get their product across the tight border-security with possibly no detection.[286] Apart from using these common ways, once the product is across the border, common cars and trucks are utilized for faster distribution in different cities. In an effort to use the seas, the cartel also implemented the use of narco submarines.[287][288][289]

Indictments

On July 21, 2009, the United States DEA announced coordinated actions against the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas drug trafficking organizations. Antonio Ezequiel Cárdenas Guillén, Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez, Heriberto Lazcano Lazcano and 15 of their top lieutenants, have been charged in U.S. federal courts with drug trafficking-related crimes,[290][291] while the U.S. State Department announced rewards totaling $50 million USD for information leading to their capture.[290]

See also

References

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External links

Bibliography

(Names in italics represent dead or arrested individuals)
Federal forces
Beltrán-Leyva Cartel
(Extinct in 2010)
Founders
La Familia Cartel
(Extinct in mid-2011)
Founders
Gulf Cartel
Founders
Leaders
Juárez Cartel
(Armed wing: La Línea)
Founders
Leaders
Knights Templar Cartel
(Armed wing: La Resistencia)
Founders
Leaders
Sinaloa Cartel
(Armed wing: Gente Nueva)
Founders
Leaders
Tijuana Cartel
Founders
Leaders
Los Zetas Cartel
Founders
Leaders
See also
Other cartels
Early drug lords
Corrupt officials
Operations
Vehicles
Various